For a Theory of Destituent Power
Public lecture in Athens, 16.11.2013
Invitation and organization by Nicos Poulantzas Institute and SYRIZA Youth
Invitation and organization by Nicos Poulantzas Institute and SYRIZA Youth
Giorgio Agamben
Let me begin with a concept which seems, starting from September 2001, to have replaced any other political notion: security. As you know, the formula “for security reasons” functions today in any domain, from everyday life to international conflicts, as a password in order to impose measures that the people have no reason to accept. I will try to show that the real purpose of the security measures is not, as it is currently assumed, to prevent dangers, troubles or even catastrophes. I will be consequently obliged to make a short genealogy of the concept of “security”.
One possible way to sketch such a genealogy would be to inscribe its origin and history in the paradigm of the state of exception. In this perspective, we could trace it back to the Roman principle Salus publica suprema lex, public safety is the highest law, and connect it with Roman dictatorship, with the canonistic principle necessity does not acknowledge any law, with the comites de salut publique during French revolution and finally with article 48 of the Weimar republic, which was the juridical ground for the nazi regime. Such a genealogy is certainly correct, but I do not think that it could really explain the functioning of the security apparatuses and measures which are familiar to us. While the state of exception was originally conceived as a provisional measure, which was meant to cope with an immediate danger in order to restore the normal situation, the security reasons constitute today a pemanent technology of government. When in 2003 I published a book in which I tried to show precisely how the state of exception was becoming in western democracies a normal system of government, I could not imagine that my diagnosis would prove so accurate. The only clear precedent was the Nazi regime. When Hitler took the power in February 1933, he immediately proclaimed a decree suspending the articles of the Weimar constitution concerning personal liberties. The decree was never revoked, so that the entire Third Reich can be considered as a state of exception which lasted twelwe years.
What is happening today is still different. A formal state of exception is not declared and we see instead that vague non juridical notions –like the security reasons- are used to instaure a stable state of creeping and fictitious emergency without any clearly identifiable danger. An example of such non juridical notions which are used as emergency producing factors is the concept of crisis. Besides the juridical meaning of judgement in a trial, two semantic traditions converge in the history of this term which, as it is evident for you, comes from the greek verb crino: a medical and a theological one. In the medical tradition, crisis means the moment in which the doctor has to judge, to decide if the patient will die or survive. The day or the days in which this decision is taken are called crisimoi, the decisive days. In theology, crisis is the Last Judgment pronounced by Christ in the end of times. As you can see, what is essential in both traditions is the connection with a certain moment in time. In the present usage of the term, it is precisely this connection which is abolished. The crisis, the judgement is split from its temporal index and coincides now with the chronological course of time, so that, not only in economics and politics, but in every aspect of social life, the crisis coincides with normality and becomes, in this way, just a tool of government. Consequently, the capability to decide once for all disappears and the continuous decision-making process decides nothing. To state it in paradoxixal terms, we could say that, having to face a continuous state of exception, the government tends to take the form of a perpetual coup d’état. By the way, this paradox would be an accurate description of what happens here in Greece as well as in Italy, where to govern means to make a continuos series of small coups d’état. The present government of Italy is not legitimate.
This is why I think that, in order to understand the peculiar governamentality under which we live, the paradigm of the state of exception is not entirely adequate. I will therefore follow Michel Foucault’s suggestion and investigate the origin of the concept of security in the beginning of modern economy, by François Quesnais and the Physiocrates, whose influence on modern governamentality could not be overestimated. Starting with Westphalie treaty, the great absolutist european states begin to introduce in their political discourse the idea that the sovereign has to take care of his subjects security. But Quesnay is the first to establish security (sureté) as the central notion in the theory of government –and this in a very peculiar way.
One of the main problems governments had to cope with at the time, was the problem of famines. Before Quesnay, the usual methodology was trying to prevent famines by the creation of public granaries and forbidding the exportation of cereals. Both this measures had negatives effects on the production. Quesnay’s idea was to reverse the process: instead of trying to prevent famines, he decided to let them happen and to be able to govern them once they occurred, liberalizing both internal and foreign exchanges. “To govern” retains here its etymological cybernetical meaning: a good kybernes, a good pilot can’t avoid tempests, but, if a rempest occures, he must be able to govern his boat, using the force of waves and winds for the navigation. This is the meaning of the famous motto “laisser faire, laissez passer”: it is not only the catchword of economic liberalism: it is a paradigm of government, which conceives of security (sureté, in Quesnay words) non as the prevention of troubles, but rather as the ability to govern and guide them in the good direction once they take place...continued
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